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Lord Sumption

Brig, Soren and Reidar- the civil war has begun. Lord Sumption is part of the establishment, but he is willing to speak to the insanity of the current time.

“Sometimes the most public spirited thing that you can do with despotic laws like these is to ignore them. I think that if the government persists long enough with locking people down, depending on the severity of the lockdown, civil disobedience is likely to be the result


March 4, 2021



Jonathan Sumption was once the epitome of the Establishment — a brilliant barrister who represented the Government in the Hutton enquiry, Supreme Court Justice, supporter of the Remain campaign and esteemed historian of the Hundred Years’ War. But then Covid happened.

Over the past year, his unabashed criticism of lockdown policies has turned him into something of a renegade. It is development that mystifies him; as he sees it, his views have always been mainstream liberal, and it is the world around that has changed.

In the course of our conversation, the retired judge doesn’t hold back. He asserts that it is becoming morally acceptable to ignore Covid regulations, and even warns that a campaign of “civil disobedience” has already begun.

You can read what he really thinks below. And watch our interaction on Lockdown TV — it was a fascinating conversation.https://cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fyoutu.be%2F5lXAA7ZOROc&key=357d953055da7177194e1a84a2d8a5a3&playerjs=1 

ON CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE:

“Sometimes the most public spirited thing that you can do with despotic laws like these is to ignore them. I think that if the government persists long enough with locking people down, depending on the severity of the lockdown, civil disobedience is likely to be the result. It will be discrete civil disobedience in the classic English way — I don’t think that we are likely to go onto the streets waving banners. I think we will just calmly decide that we are not going to pay any attention to this. There are some things you have to pay attention to: you can’t go to a shop if it’s closed. On the other hand, you can invite friends round for a drink, whatever Mr Hancock says. People are doing that to some extent already.

“Everyone will have their own different threshold. But I think that in the eyes of many people who disapprove of the lockdown, and some people who approve of it, we’ve reached that point quite a long time ago.”

ON THE ETHICS OF LAW-BREAKING:

“Ifeel sad that we have the kind of laws which public-spirited people may need to break. I have always taken a line on this, which is probably different from that of most of my former colleagues. I do not believe that there is a moral obligation to obey the law… You have to have a high degree of respect, both for the object that the law is trying to achieve, and for the way that it’s been achieved. Some laws invite breach. I think this is one of them.”

ON SACRIFICING CIVIL LIBERTIES:

“[Thomas] Hobbes believed in the absolute state — it didn’t have to be a monarchy, but it had to be absolute. He said that there was nothing short of the state actually killing people that the state should not be entitled to do. He was not, let us say, a believer in liberty. This is because of his experience of the anarchy which flowed from the civil war in England. Hobbes believed that we resign our freedoms unconditionally and permanently into the hands of the state, in return for security. Now, this is a model which ever since the rise of a recognisable form of modern Liberalism in the middle of the 19th century, has been almost universally rejected. But we have tended to revert to it during the current crisis. And I think that that is a very striking and very sinister development.

ON THE DANGERS OF PUBLIC FEAR:

“John Stuart Mill regarded public sentiment and public fear as the principal threat to a liberal democracy. The tendency would be for it to influence policies in a way that whittles away the island within which we are entitled to control our lives to next to nothing. That’s what he regarded as the big danger. It didn’t happen in his own lifetime; it has happened in many countries in the 20th century, and it’s happening in Britain now.”

ON THE FRAGILITY OF DEMOCRACY:

“Democracy is inherently fragile. We have an idea that it’s a very robust system. But democracies have existed for about 150 years. In this country, I think you could say that they existed from the second half of the of the 19th century — they are not the norm. Democracies were regarded in ancient times as inherently self-destructive ways of government. Because, said Aristotle, democracies naturally turn themselves into tyranny. Because the populace will always be a sucker for a demagogue who will turn himself into an absolute ruler…

“Now, it is quite remarkable that Aristotle’s gloomy predictions about the fate of democracies have been falsified by the experience of the West ever since the beginning of democracy. And I think one needs to ask why that is. In my view, the reason is this: Aristotle was basically right about the tendencies, but we have managed to avoid it by a shared political culture of restraint. And this culture of restraint, which because it depends on the collective mentality of our societies, is extremely fragile, quite easy to destroy and extremely difficult to recreate.”

ON BEING A LIBERAL:

“Iregard myself as a liberal with a small L. Until the Covid outbreak, that was a very middle of the road position to be in. Since the outbreak, it’s become controversial, even in some people’s minds extreme. This is, I think, some indication of how far our national conversation has moved.”

ON WHAT THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD LEARN:

My first proposal is that governments should not treat information as a tool for manipulating public behaviour. They should be calmer than the majority of their citizens; they should be completely objective. My second lesson would be that governments dealing with scientific issues should not allow themselves to be influenced by a single caucus of scientists. They should always test what they are being told in a way that, for instance, judges test expert opinion by producing a counter expert, and working out which set of views stacks up best.”

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Dark Side

Brig, Soren and Reidar, does this sound familiar, or see everyday in people around you.

Victimology is sign of dark, malevolent people. They are trying to hijack your emotions for sympathy. They are predators.

New study suggests people with dark personalities weaponize victimhood to gain advantage over others

by Eric W. DolanFebruary 26, 2021in Social Psychology

New research provides evidence that narcissism, psychopathy, and Machiavellianism — maladaptive personality traits known as the “Dark Triad” — are associated with overt displays of virtue and victimhood. The study suggests that people with dark personalities use these signals of “virtuous victimhood” to deceptively extract resources from others.

The findings have been published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.

“Fortune and human imperfection assure that at some point in life everyone will experience suffering, disadvantage, or mistreatment,” wrote the authors of the new study. “When this happens, there will be some who face their burdens in silence, treating it as a private matter they must work out for themselves, and there will others who make a public spectacle of their sufferings, label themselves as victims, and demand compensation for their pain. This latter response is what interests us.”

In a series of studies, which included 3,536 participants in total, the researchers examined how signals of virtue and victimhood were related to Dark Triad traits and deceptive behaviors.

The researchers first found that perceiving someone as a virtuous victim made people more likely to help them, indicating that using signals of virtue and victimhood is a valid strategy to gain resources from others. For example, participants were more willing to help a victim of a random act of violence who was described as being shot while volunteering at a charity event than a victim shot walking in front of a grocery store or a victim shot at a strip club.

In subsequent studies, the researchers established there was a positive relationship between Dark Triad traits and emitting signals of both victimhood and virtue. Among the three Dark Triad traits, Machiavellianism — which is characterized by a willingness to be manipulative and deceitful — was the strongest predictor of virtuous victim signaling.

In other words, people with high levels Machiavellianism were more likely to report that they have often “pointed out how I am not able to pursue my goals and dreams because of external factors,” “explained how I don’t feel accepted in the society because of my identity”, and “expressed how people like me are underrepresented in the media and leadership.” They also reported virtue signaling more often, such as buying products to communicate their positive moral characteristics.

Importantly, this relationship held even after accounting for demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. Put another way, people with darker personalities were more likely to claim victimhood status regardless of their actual status in society.

Participants who reported engaging in more virtuous victim signaling scores also tended to be more willing to purchase counterfeit goods and were more likely to cheat in a coin-flip game. Finally, participants who reported engaging in more virtuous victim signaling were more likely to exaggerate perceived mistreatment by a colleague to gain an advantage over them, an association that was mediated by the Dark Triad traits.

“Together, our studies present converging evidence that the virtuous victimhood signal is an effective mechanism for persuading others to part with their resources in a way that benefits the signaler and that people who tend to engage in amoral social manipulation to achieve their goals are more likely to emit them,” the researchers explained.

But the researchers “strongly caution against” interpreting the findings as suggesting that everyone who engages in virtuous victim signaling has maladaptive personality traits such as Machiavellianism.

“Our conclusion is simply that victim signals are effective tools of social influence and maximally effective when deployed with signals of virtue. We also provide evidence supporting our proposition that for some people these signals can be deployed as a duplicitous tactic to acquire personal benefits they would otherwise not receive,” they wrote.

The study, “Signaling Virtuous Victimhood as Indicators of Dark Triad Personalities“, was authored by Ekin Ok, Yi Qian, Brendan Strejcek, and Karl Aquino.

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Children Deserve Better

Brig, Soren and Reidar-

You are not alone. Love Papa. Always and forever. I will keep fighting for you.

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Comedy

Comedy is being cancelled too. We got to keep laughing.

Lou Perez
My goal in life  is to know just enough about a subject so I can tell when someone is bullshitting me. And there is no shortage of bullshit in this life. Whether we’re talking politics, media, academia, or the culture at large. But what’s bad for society is great for comedy. And I hope you’ll join me on my journey through the muck, calling out the BS as I see it—and making a little BS of my own.

Comedy should be fun. And mine will be fun, provocative, and you may even get into trouble for sharing it. So…

How I Became a ‘Far-Right Radical’

Academics mislabeled me as one—as they did Bret Weinstein, Joe Rogan, Sam Harris and others.

By Lou PerezDec. 30, 2020 6:15 pm ET

ILLUSTRATION: CHAD CROWE

Listen to this article6 minutes00:00 / 05:331x

I’ve been put on a list and not a good one. It isn’t the Hollywood Reporter’s Next Gen Class of 2020 or Forbes’s 30 Under 30—forget the accolade; I’d take being under-30 again. That would be so much better for my career than where I am now: a comedian approaching 39, who finds his work labeled “far-right” in an academic paper titled “Evaluating the scale, growth, and origins of right-wing echo chambers on YouTube.”

Although I’m not mentioned by name, if you turn to the last page of the preprint paper—which has yet to be peer-reviewed or submitted to a journal—you’ll see the words “We the Internet TV” huddled among other supposedly far-right YouTube channels. I was head writer and producer of We the Internet TV before my position was eliminated in October. For five years I was responsible for making hundreds of videos about current events, politics and culture. I was an equal-opportunity offender. Our comedy channel made fun of everybody—left, right, center.

I remember the good old days of cancel culture, when if you landed a gig on “Saturday Night Live,” someone would have to put in some work to get you canceled. Before online mobs could be whipped up in seconds, an angry detractor would have to roll up his sleeves, comb through your tweets, listen to hours of your podcast, or track down a recording of you bombing at an open mic to find the material to take you down.

Don’t get me wrong: My “problematic” material is out there. But this study eliminates the need for a critic of mine to go put in the legwork of a keyword search. Researchers from prestigious institutions including the University of Pennsylvania and Harvard already went to the trouble of demonstrating that I am somehow responsible for “the phenomenon of right-wing radicalization on YouTube.” It’ll be easy to cancel any success I find in mainstream media.



Which videos did it? I wonder. Was it “Burglars for Gun Control” or “Your Gun Makes You Look Like a D—”? The videos lambasting the alt-right or the anti-antifa one? The sketches critical of President Obama’s drone strikes or the one mocking YouTube commenters leaving racist insults about the 44th president?

I don’t know. I have never faced my accusers. I would like to scroll through the We the Internet TV library with them and point out the kind of “far-right” material that won us a Webby Award in 2017. Other winners that year included the Women’s March and CNN’s Van Jones.

At first I found it odd that the words “fascism,” “racism” and “terrorism” were missing from the paper, because these terms have become inextricably linked to the far right. Then I realized it was a smart (and cowardly) move on the part of the authors to leave them out: just use the umbrella term “far right” and allow your readers to fill in the tacit isms. That way, you don’t risk being called out for labeling people who are not fascists, racists and terrorists as such. Instead, the study is peppered with nebulous adjectives like “extreme” and “radical,” which allow readers to see their own bogeymen.

I’m not the only one who takes issue with being mislabeled. This gives me some hope for my future.

In the study’s view, former Evergreen College professor Bret Weinstein —a self-described progressive and Bernie Sanders supporter—is far-right too. Joining us are neuroscientist Sam Harris (a self-confessed liberal), podcast host Joe Rogan (who considers himself “pretty liberal”) and Bloggingheads.tv (whose regular contributors include Vox co-founder Ezra Klein ).

One thing that’s interesting—by which I mean bonkers—is that while Mr. Rogan’s channel is deemed far-right, the “Joe Rogan University—Fan Channel” is labeled “center.” Does Mr. Rogan’s podcast only radicalize casual watchers, but not his fans?

Even Mark Ledwich, whom the paper’s authors thank for sharing data with them, took issue with “the way the labels were converted into far-right and far-left.” (To wit: On his site Transparency.Tube, which tracks political channels on YouTube, We the Internet TV only scored “Right” and “Anti-woke.”)

Lumping together all these creators with vastly different political persuasions is lazy at best. At worst it undermines criticism of actual far-right content. As YouTuber Rebel Wisdom put it, “if everything is far right, then nothing is.” He is of course also “far right” by the paper’s standards.

It’s the type of analysis you’d have to be living in an echo chamber to come up with. The authors write that “the growing appeal of radical content on YouTube may simply reflect a more general trend driven by a complicated combination of causes, both technological and sociological, that extend beyond the scope of the platform’s algorithms.”

But the walls of their bubble must not have been adequately soundproofed, because the authors are revising their paper ahead of its official publication to include a new category: Intellectual Dark Web. This IDW category would include channels that are “Anti-Woke” or “Anti-Social-Justice-Warrior.” In the current labeling system, any channel labeled IDW automatically qualifies as far right.

I can’t speak for all those other “radical” YouTube channels. But when it came to We the Internet TV, its “growing appeal” had a lot to do with it being funny. I even dared to do the type of comedy that gets you put on lists.

Mr. Perez is a comedian and host of “The Lou Perez Podcast.”

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Violence

showing a video of violence by woman is Veroboten!! But it is real, and watch how the man walks away. he is non-violent. Another idea that is Verboten, that men can be non-violent.

https://twitter.com/leinad_luelp/status/1352002568289980428
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Poo

Why do dogs roll in poo? or dead animals, or anything smelly?

Here is are some theories.

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Gods

Religion helps people live peacefully with each other… and today we know that God is dead and atheism and nihilism rule in the west.

Brig, Soren and Reidar…. should we fear a world without religion?

Actually civilization began without religion or moralizing gods. Please read this very interesting Nature Article on the origin of God beliefs.

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Harmony

Brig, Soren and Reidar- we have been harmonized, and driven to fear by the police state that is more severe than Soviet Russia or Maoist China.

They cannot take your soul. Read about the surveillance state in China. I placed on your kindle. love papa.

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Public Lie

Tim Kuran’s book , Private Truths – Public Lies describes how people use preference falsification to be part of the public acceptability. These public lies grow over time, then collapse into chaos. I added book to your kindle. He is a very good economist. Please enjoy. love papa.

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Plus ça change

Plus ça change: A French Lesson in Monetary Debauchery

Written by Michael Lebowitz | \

Plus ça change: A French Lesson in Monetary Debauchery 

Fiscal policy shifted into turbo-charged, warp speed, overdrive early into the COVID related recession. To facilitate the borrowing binge, the Federal Reserve took unprecedented monetary actions. In 2020, the fiscal deficit (November 2019- October 2020) rose $3.1 trillion and was matched one for one with a $3.2 trillion increase in the Fed’s balance sheet.

The Fed is indirectly funding the government, but are they printing money? Technically they are not. However, they are inching closer through various funding programs in coordination with the Treasury Department.

Will the Fed ever print money? In our opinion, it is becoming increasingly likely as the requirements to service the interest and principal on existing debt, plus new debt, far exceeds what the economy is producing.

Given the increasingly dire mismatch between debt and economic activity, we think it is helpful to retell a tale we wrote about in 2015.  This article is more than a history lesson. It effectively illustrates the road on which the U.S. and many other nations currently travel.

This story is not a forecast but a simple reminder of what has repeatedly happened in the past.  

As you read, notice the lines French politicians use to persuade the opposition to justify money printing.  Note the similarities to the rationales used by central bankers, MMT’ers, and neo-Keynesian economists today. Then, as now, monetary policy is promoted as a cure for economic ills. As we are now constantly reminded, massive monetary actions have manageable consequences, and failure is blamed on not acting boldly enough.

Our gratitude to the late Andrew D. White, on whose work we relied heavily. The exquisite account of France circa the 1780-the 1790s was well documented in his paper entitled “Fiat Money Inflation in France” published in-1896. Any unattributed quotes were taken from his paper.

Before The Presses Rolled

During the 1700’s France accumulated significant debts under the reigns of King Louis XV and King Louis XVI. The combination of wars, significant financial support of America in the Revolutionary War, and lavish government spending were key drivers of the deficit. Through the latter part of the century, numerous financial reforms were enacted to stem the problem, but none were successful. On a few occasions, politicians supporting fiscal austerity resigned or were fired because belt-tightening was not popular, and the King certainly didn’t want a revolution on his hands. For example, in 1776, newly anointed Finance Minister Jacques Necker believed France was much better off by taking large loans from other countries instead of increasing taxes, as his recently fired predecessor argued. Necker was ultimately replaced seven years later when it was discovered France had heavy debt loads, unsustainable deficits, and no means to pay it back.

By the late 1780s, the gravity of France’s fiscal deficit was becoming severe. Widespread concerns helped the General Assembly introduce spending cuts and tax increases. They were somewhat effective, but the deficit was very slow to decrease. However, the problem was the citizens were tired of the economic stagnation that resulted from belt-tightening. The medicine of austerity was working but the leaders didn’t have the patience to rule over a stagnant economy for much longer. The following quote from White sums up the situation well:

“Statesmanlike measures, careful watching and wise management would, doubtless, have ere long led to a return of confidence, a reappearance of money and a resumption of business; but this involved patience and self-denial, and, thus far in human history, these are the rarest products of political wisdom. Few nations have ever been able to exercise these virtues, and France was not then one of these few.”

By 1789, commoners, politicians, and royalty alike continuously voiced their impatience with the weak economy. This led to the notion that printing money could revive the economy. The idea gained popularity and was widely discussed in public meetings, informal clubs, and even the National Assembly. In early 1790, detailed discussions within the Assembly on money printing became more frequent. Within a few short months, chatter and rumor of printing money snowballed into a plan. The quickly evolving proposal was to confiscate church land, which represented more than a quarter of France’s acreage to “back” newly printed Assignats (the word assignat is derived from the Latin word assignatum – something appointed or assigned). This was a stark departure from the silver and gold-backed Livre, the currency of France at the time.

Assembly debate was lively, with strong opinions on both sides of the issue. Those against it understood that printing fiat money failed miserably many times in the past. In fact, the French experience with the Mississippi bubble crisis of 1720 resulted from the over-issuance of paper money. That crisis caused, in White’s words, “the most frightful catastrophe France had then experienced.” History was on the side of those opposed to the new plan.

Those in favor looked beyond history and believed this time would be different. They believed the amount of money printed could be controlled and ultimately pulled back if necessary. It was also argued new money would encourage people to spend, and economic activity would surely pick up. Another popular argument was France would benefit by selling the confiscated lands to its people, and these funds would help pay off its debts. In addition, land ownership by the masses strengthened French patriotism.

Those in favor of printing won the debate. As we have seen many times before and after this event, hope and greed won out over logic, common sense, and most importantly, history. Per White- “But the current toward paper money had become irresistible. It was constantly urged, and with a great show of force, that if any nation could safely issue it, France was now that nation; that she was fully warned by her severe experience under John Law; that she was now a constitutional government, controlled by an enlightened, patriotic people,–not, as in the days of the former issues of paper money, an absolute monarchy controlled by politicians and adventurers; that she was able to secure every livre of her paper money by a virtual mortgage on a landed domain vastly greater in value than the entire issue; that, with men like Bailly, Mirabeau, and Necker at her head, she could not commit the financial mistakes and crimes from which France had suffered under John Law, the Regent Duke of Orleans and Cardinal Dubois.” This time was different in their collective minds!

April 1790

The final decree was passed, and 400 million Assignats, backed by confiscated church property, were issued. The notes were quickly put into circulation and “engraved in the best style of the art,” as shown below.

French, Plus ça change: A French Lesson in Monetary Debauchery

As one might suspect, the church decried the action, but the large majority of the French were in favor. The press and assemblymen extolled the virtues of this new money. They spoke and wrote of future prosperity and an end to the economic oppression. They thought they found a cure for their economic ills.

Upon the issuance of the new money, economic activity picked up almost immediately. As expected, the money allowed for a portion of the national debt to be paid off as well. Confidence and trade expanded. The summer of 1790 proved to be an economic boom time for France.

Fall 1790

The good times were limited. By October, economic activity was back in decline, and with it came a renewed call for more money printing. Per White- “The old remedy immediately and naturally recurred to the minds of men. Throughout the country began a cry for another issue of paper.”  The deliberations regarding money printing were rekindled with many of the same arguments on both sides of the debate re-hashed. A new argument for those in favor of printing was simply that the original 400 million Assignats was not enough.

While those favoring money printing acknowledged the dangers of their actions, they were also dismissive of them at the same time. These Assemblymen believed if a little medicine appeared to work with no side effects, why not take more. Debate this time around was easier for the pro-printing consortium. Of note were a well-respected elder statesman of the Assembly and a national hero named Gabriel Riqueti, Comte de Mirabeau (Mirabeau). During the first round of debates, Mirabeau was firmly against the issuance of the new currency. In fact, he said the following: “A nursery of tyranny, corruption, and delusion; a veritable debauch of authority in delirium” in regards to paper money. He even called the issuance of money “a loan to an armed robber.

While Mirabeau clearly understood the effects of printing money, he was now swayed by the arguments of a stronger economy. He also appreciated the benefits of making a large class of landholders for the first time.  Mirabeau reversed his opinion and joined the ranks of those believing France could control the inflationary side effects. He now argued for one more issue of Assignats. As a precautionary measure, he insisted that as soon as paper became abundant, self-governing laws of economics would ensure the money was retired. Mirabeau went as far as recommending the new amount of printed money should be enough to pay down France’s entire debt – 2,400 million!

The naysayers warned of the ills of the proposed second printing. Of note was Necker. If you recall, he was partially responsible for the debt buildup that led to France’s problems. Necker “predicted terrible evils” and offered other means to accomplish economic growth. His opinions were not popular and Necker was “spurned as a man of the past” by the Assembly and ultimately left France forever. An influential pamphlet, written by Du Pont de Nemours was popular amongst the nays and was read to the Assembly. It declared that doubling the money supply would “simply increase prices, disturb values, alarm capital, diminishes legitimate enterprise, and so decreases the demand for both products and for labor. The only persons to be helped by it are the rich who have large debts to pay.

The arguments of Neckar and Du Pont de Nemours fell on deaf ears. Those in favor rebutted with comments that printing more money was “the only means to ensure happiness, glory, and liberty to the French nation”. They took the prior debate a step further and now theorized that the gold and silver Livres would be undesirable as Assignats would be the only currency people demanded.

On the 29th of September, 1790, a bill authorizing the issuance of 800 million Assignats was passed. The bill also decreed that when Assignats were paid back to the government for the land they should be burned. This added measure was thought of as a way to ensure the newly printed money was not inflationary.

White commented: “France was now fully committed to a policy of inflation; and, if there had been any question of this before, all doubts were removed” he went on discussing how “exceedingly difficult it is stopping a nation once in the full tide of a depreciating currency.

It turns out the money returned to the government wasn’t burned but was re-issued in smaller denominations. Within a short period, 160 million was paid to the government for lands and was reissued “under the pleas of necessity.

June 1791

Nine months after the second issue of 800 million Assignats and another cycle of good economic activity followed by bad, pressure grew for more money printing. With little fanfare or debate, a new issue of 600 million was issued. With it, once again came “solemn pledges to keep down the amount in circulation.

Like the previous two, this experience was followed by a brief period of optimism that quickly faded. With each successive printing came currency depreciation and higher prices. Despite the beliefs of those in favor of printing, hoarding of gold and silver-backed coins was occurring. The French people were watching their paper money lose value and becoming more interested in preserving their wealth. The coins were in limited supply while paper money was being printed with increasing frequency. In their minds, gold and silver offered the stability that paper money was rapidly losing.

Still another troublesome fact began to now appear. Though paper money had increased in amount, prosperity had steadily diminished. In spite of all the paper issues, commercial activity grew more and more spasmodic. Enterprise was chilled and business became more and more stagnant.

With each new issue came increased trade and a more robust economy. The problem was the activity wasn’t based on anything but new money. As such, it had very little staying power, and the positive benefits quickly eroded. Businesses were handcuffed. They found it hard to make any decisions in fear the currency would continue to drop in value. Prices continued to rise. Speculation and hoarding were becoming the primary drivers of the economy. “Commerce was dead; betting took its place.” With higher prices, employees were laid off as merchants struggled to cover increasing costs.

The only ones genuinely benefiting were manufacturers producing goods for foreign countries and the stockbrokers. The rapidly declining value of their currency attracted orders from other countries that could now purchase French goods very cheaply. Those businesses and consumers that relied on goods from outside the country were battered by higher prices. With the increased money supply and economic uncertainty, the “ordinary motives for savings and care diminished.” Speculation increased significantly. While some stock investors in the urban regions were exploiting the condition, the onus fell on the working man. Inflation, weakening currency, and lack of jobs was damaging to a large majority of Frenchmen.

The economic conditions also brought on more crime and increased instances of bribery of government officials. Conditions were described by White as “the decay of a true sense of national pride.

December 1791

A new issue of 300 million more Assignats was ordered to be printed. With that decree, it was also ordered that a previous limit on the total amount to be printed be repudiated. By this point, it was estimated the value of their currency was cut in half and inflation was rampant.

April-July 1792

Another 600 million Assignats were printed. The presses rolled on and after a few more printings it was estimated a total of 3,500 million Assignats now existed. The issuances continued through 1792 and 1793.

“The consequences of these overissues now began to be more painfully evident to the people at large. Articles of common consumption became enormously dear and prices were constantly rising. Orators in the Legislative Assembly, clubs, local meetings, and elsewhere now endeavored to enlighten people by assigning every reason for this depreciation save the true one. They declaimed against the corruption of the ministry, the want of patriotism among the Moderates, the intrigues of the emigrant nobles, the hard-heartedness of the rich, the monopolizing spirit of the merchants, the perversity of the shopkeepers, —each and all of these as causes of the difficulty.”

French Revolution

Throughout 1792 and 1793, mobs were demanding necessities such as bread, sugar, and coffee. Peaceful demonstrations turned violent, and plundering of the local shops was commonplace. The French Revolution was born.

Money printing was not the sole cause of the revolution, but it certainly helped light the fuse. In all fairness, the French people were demanding the same liberties they helped America fight for. The idea of a Monarchy was fading, and those supporting democratic principles were leading the charge. In hindsight, money printing was a last-ditch effort to create prosperity and keep the Revolution at bay. Poverty and despair spread through France. Malnutrition and hunger due to lost employment and inflation fed the Revolution. In 1792 a republic was proclaimed, and in the following year, King Louis XVI was sent to the guillotines.

Conclusion

The story retold in this article echoes that of other nations before and after it. The language, promises, and ultimately the excuses used by the politicians are a familiar refrain. There is nothing new with money printing or “quantitative easing” as modern-day central bankers call it. Despite the passing of over 200 years and substantial development globally, plus ça change (the more that changes, the more it is the same thing).

Gold has a long history serving as a tool of wealth preservation. After numerous financial crises caused by the debasement of currencies, have modern-day economists and central bankers finally figured out how to print money with no consequences? Despite our wishes to the contrary, every action still has an equal and opposite reaction (consequence)The investment pundits who see nothing wrong with the actions of the world central banks regard holding gold as ridiculous. We consider an allocation to gold as a matter of prudence given what we have seen and expect to see from central bankers desperate to maintain the status quo. 

Hopefully, after reading this you will understand a little protection may go a long way in what may not be as clear cut an economic future as some would lead us to believe.